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Mass Pleas of Guilty

April 29, 2017 Leave a Comment

RF1

(Reprinted from The Defender, Winter 2006)

$300 million is a lot of money. So maybe, just maybe, we ought to think about this expenditure.

First of all, why do we need to lock up more people? Are we about to have a sudden crime wave? No. Maybe this need for more jail space is necessitated by the need to keep up the local trend of misusing the jail space we already have. What do I mean by that?

There are two kinds of people in jail: Those that belong there and those that don’t. I would argue that many of the 9,000 people currently in jail do not need to be there. Restated, the taxpayers are paying to house a lot of people the taxpayers should not be paying to house.

Who is in jail? People who are charged and not convicted and people who have been convicted who are serving a sentence.

There are far too many people in jail who arc charged and not convicted. behind-bars

There are far too many presumably innocent people in jail with cases pending. If you really want to free up some jail space give these people bond. Bond is not supposed to be used as a form of punishment, but it is. Far too often people arc stuck in jail because they simply cannot afford bond. If you don’t believe me, go to any of our fifteen county courts or our twenty-two district courts on a Monday morning and start counting heads of those who didn’t make bond.

Why are these people still in jail on Monday, when anybody with any sense and money would have bonded out? The answer is simple: They are still in jail because they are too poor to make bond.

If you cannot afford to make a $500 misdemeanor bond by definition you are poor. So we keep presumably innocent people in jail in this county because they arc poor. This is wrong. Supposedly we got rid of debtors’ prison a long time ago. Truth is, we still have it.

Since poor folks cannot afford to make misdemeanor bonds or state jail bonds, they arc cluttering up the jails. Why then aren’t they getting PR Bonds or Pre-trial Release Bonds? Can anybody answer that? I haven’t heard a good answer yet, and they are not all homeless.

Let me suggest a two-part answer: First, the judges, while well-intentioned, are still elected by voters who don’t know who they are. The judges worry about the “nightmare case” where they give a guy a Pre-trial Release Bond and he goes out and kills someone. So what do the judges do? They don’t grant Pre-trial Release Bonds. It’s safer for the judge to leave the presumably innocent person in jail then to release him on Pretrial Release Bond. While it may be politically safer for the judge, it is far more dangerous to the fundamental tenets of our system for the judge to keep the presumably innocent locked up for political reasons.

What is the second reason judges don’t grant Pre-trial Release Bonds? Well, the Pre-trial Release folks are simply overworked. A long time ago Pre-trial Release was created, at least in part, to provide an avenue to allow judges to release presumably innocent indigents on bond. I remember it actually happening at the old courthouse. Now, though, the same Pretrial service people are bogged down with their new job: Supervising bond conditions for those people lucky enough to actually make bond. If you don’t believe me, just go to the twelfth floor and watch.

As the years have worn on, the judges for a number of reasons have added more and more conditions to even the most mundane bonds. It has gotten to the point that bond conditions in some courts virtually mirror conditions of probation. Walk into any court and listen as bond conditions are set and you will swear the person has just pled guilty and is being sentenced. Nope. He is just getting bond conditions set. Once those conditions are set someone has to supervise them. Guess who? You got it, the good folks in Pre-trial Services.

So why are our jails overcrowded with presumably innocent folks?
Because, the courts refuse to utilize Pre-trial Services for its proper purpose.

What is the net effect? Defendants who are presumably innocent remain in custody. What happens to all these poor people who are denied Pretrial Release Bond? How is all this resolved for them?

The answer is simple and revolting to any sense of justice: Mass pleas of guilty.

Everyone reading this knows what I am talking about. Every Monday morning the lawyer for the day appears. He is assigned to represent 6-8 people. He goes back, says “Hi” to all his spanking new clients and then the District Attorney’s office extends offers. If “Joe” pleads guilty he gets thirty days, or if he wants to go to trial he can tee it up in sixty to ninety days. “Joe” takes the thirty. The system is set up to keep poor people in jail and to encourage pleas of guilty. If you have a choice of pleading guilty and getting out in ten days or pleading not guilty and maybe getting out in ninety days which choice would YOU take?

People who are presumably innocent are kept in jail and they plead guilty and they fill up our jails. It’s been our system far too long. A lot of people will probably not like my criticism of the system. Undoubtedly, I am painting with a broad stroke. But it is all true.

We don’t need to spend $300 million to build more jails; we need to let people out on Pre-trial Release Bonds and our jail problem will be solved. While we are at it, the courts need to stop illegally revoking bonds. When clients show up without an attorney that is no basis to revoke bond. Having an attorney is a right, not an obligation of bond.

In the meantime we can use that $300 million to support education and employment opportunities in the inner city. We can use that money to pay for drug rehabilitation and to support drug court. We have enough people in jail in Harris County.

Let’s take a hard look at our system and institute some long overdue changes. The solutions are as evident as the problems. All we need is the willingness to be honest with ourselves and the desire to do better.

Filed Under: Defender, jail, judges Tagged With: bail, harris county, Robert Fickman

PR: Richard ‘Racehorse’ Haynes: Legendary Attorney

April 28, 2017 Leave a Comment

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

CONTACT:
Chris Tritico, HCCLA Past President, 281-744-7446, email Chris Tritico
Tyler Flood, HCCLA President, 713-224-5529, email Tyler Flood

racehorseHouston, Texas – April 28, 2017 – It is with a sad heart that Harris County Criminal Lawyers Association acknowledges the passing of legendary attorney Richard “Racehorse” Haynes.  Racehorse was born in San Antonio in 1927 and lived to be 90.  He is considered to be the father of the defense bar in Harris County and one of the most publicly recognized defense attorneys in the nation.

Numerous Judges and Lawyers knew him and studied under him. He is a cultural icon in the criminal justice world.  Racehorse was a United States Marine who served in World War II and participated in the Battle of Iwo Jima at the age of 17.   He was a dramatic lawyer in the courtroom going so far as to almost nailing a real nail through his own had in front of the jury.

Racehorse was involved with many landmark cases such as the State of Texas v. John Hill, which became the basis for the book Blood and Money.  In addition to other notable clients such as Fort Worth millionaire Cullen Davis, he also represented the famous kissing bandit Morganna.

To honor his life and his passing, HCCLA respectfully requests that the flags at the Courthouses be flown at half staff today.

 

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Download (PDF, 474KB)

Filed Under: press release Tagged With: criminal defense, harris county, Iwo Jima, lawyers, Racehorse, Racehorse Haynes

PR: Magistrate Appointment to Connie Spence Must Be Rejected

September 25, 2016 Leave a Comment

hccla8v.gif

***FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE***

FROM: Tyler Flood, President – Harris County Criminal Lawyers Association

Houston, Texas – September 25, 2016 – We have learned that Harris County Assistant District Attorney Connie Spence may be awarded a position as a Probable Cause Magistrate Judge. It is our understanding that a majority of the current District, County and Justice of the Peace judges trying criminal cases will, without allowing public comment, gift Ms. Spence this judicial position this week.

HCCLA vehemently opposes the appointment of this prosecutor to a judicial position. Connie Spence has historically exhibited conduct and judgment unbecoming of anyone licensed as an attorney in the State of Texas. As an assistant prosecutor she has misused her power to the detriment of the people of Harris County.

Spence’s unethical behavior is well documented in the media, as she was accused of withholding evidence and coercing witnesses in the Linda Carty Capital Murder case. Specifically, two of Carty’s co-conspirators and a former DEA employee — witnesses whom Spence had sponsored at trial — testified at a hearing that Spence had in fact coerced them to give particular testimony.

The Harris County Judiciary has a responsibility to the people of Harris County: to avoid not only impropriety but also the appearance of impropriety. If they are interested in restoring the integrity of the justice system and the trust of the public, then any appointment of Connie Spence to a judicial position must be rejected.

If you have any questions regarding this statement, I can be reached at office@tylerflood.com or by calling me at 713.224.5529.

Download (PDF, 2.53MB)

Filed Under: appearance of impropriety, press release Tagged With: appearance of impropriety, appointment, Connie Spence, magistrate

PR: Constitution Day 2016

September 9, 2016 Leave a Comment

constitution day graphic 2016Press Release: CONSTITUTION DAY CELEBRATION

Contact: Tyler Flood, HCCLA President
Office: 713-224-5529   Email Tyler

Houston, Texas – September 9, 2016 – Please join the Harris County Criminal Lawyers Association (HCCLA) at 12:00 p.m. on Monday, September 19, 2016 for a brief, public celebration of Constitution Day. HCCLA members will read the Bill of Rights and other key Constitutional Amendments on the courthouse steps of the Harris County Criminal Justice Center at 1201 Franklin, Houston, Texas 77002.

This event draws its inspiration from HCCLA’s annual public reading of the Declaration of Independence, which has served as a model for yearly readings across Texas.

What: Constitution Day is a federally observed date to commemorate the signing of the United States Constitution in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, on September 17, 1787.

As criminal defense lawyers, HCCLA members fight to protect the Constitution and its safeguards, many of which are set forth in amendments to this cherished document. HCCLA strives to remind the public of the importance of their Constitutional rights. HCCLA’s public reading of fundamental rights enshrined in Constitutional amendments—including the first ten, known collectively as the “Bill of Rights”—will be a brief and simple gesture for public awareness and education.

When: 12:00 p.m. on Monday, September 19, 2016.
Event should last approximately 20-30 minutes.

Where: Front steps of Harris County Criminal Justice Center (Criminal Courthouse) at 1201 Franklin, Houston, Texas 77002 (corner of Franklin and San Jacinto, downtown Houston).

Who: Event is sponsored by the Harris County Criminal Lawyers Association, America’s oldest and largest local organization of criminal defense lawyers, with over 750 members. HCCLA President Tyler Flood will lead the reading. Event co-organizers are Houston attorneys and HCCLA members: Jennifer Gaut, Philip Gommels, Gemayel Haynes, Grant Scheiner, and JoAnne Musick.

Members of the public who attend this event will receive
pocket-sized copies of the United States Constitution.

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Download (PDF, 2.54MB)

Filed Under: constitution day, press release Tagged With: bill of rights, constitution, constitution day, public awareness

Call for Houston Forensic Science Center Independence

September 7, 2016 Leave a Comment

After years of backlogs, mismanagement, and severe criticism, the HPD Crime Lab was removed from within HPD’s control. An “independent” lab, the Houston Forensic Science Center, was formed. Now that independence is under attack.

A recent audit revealed problems with HFSC’s crime scene units and evidence collection. In short, the audit revealed not only a lack of training and technical problems but also a lack of autonomy from HPD.

hpd propertyThe Houston Forensic Science Center is now the subject of attempts by the Houston Police Officers Union and the Houston Police Department senior staff to regain control of the Crime Scene Unit (CSU) technicians. These are the same folks who investigate crime scenes related to police shootings and serious felonies such as capital murders, aggravated sexual assaults, aggravated robberies, and kidnappings.

Since the independent lab was created, the CSU positions have been gradually transferring to civilian positions under the independent structure of the HFSC.  This has been done by replacing retiring and  transferring HPD officers with civilian techs as those officers left. Now HPD is attempting to take back those CSU positions and once again staff them with officers within their chain of command.

The Houston Forensic Science Center was established because of a tragic history of mismanagement, bad science, and outright incompetence under HPD’s management that led to wrongful convictions and serious doubts about the integrity of our criminal justice system. None of us want a return to the multiple problems that existed when the functions of forensic science were directly under the Houston Police Department. The endless series of scandals and problems that led to the calls for decertification and removal of the labs from the police control are exactly what the HFSC was created to avoid. To send the technicians back under HPD command destroys all the progress made in the last decade and sets this city back just as far. It has already cost this city millions in lawsuits, reworked science, and wrongful convictions. We cannot expect to improve upon the past by repeating the mistakes of the past. 

HCCLA vehemently opposes any attempts to weaken or undermine the independence of the HFSC and its personnel.

We are the largest local criminal bar in the country, and we urge the Mayor, the city council, and all interested parties to continue to support the independence of the HFSC. Politics is a poor excuse for a sub-standard criminal justice system. We have had that in Houston; we do not need to return to those days.

Filed Under: appearance of impropriety, politics, transparency Tagged With: crime lab, crime scene unit, Criminal Justice, harris county, houston forensic science center, HPD

PR: Call for Immediate Investigation of HCDAO and Pct 4

September 6, 2016 Leave a Comment

*** FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE ***

CONTACT: Tyler Flood, HCCLA President 713-224-5529 office, email Tyler Flood 

Houston, Texas – September 6, 2016 – Harris County Criminal Lawyers Association (HCCLA) sends this letter to request immediate action be taken regarding the destruction of over 21,000 pieces of evidence by Harris County Precinct 4 Constable’s Office and to investigate the Harris County District Attorney’s Office for failing to disclose this information and for their continued failure in doing so.

This request has been sent to: Ken Magidson, U.S. Attorney’s Office – Southern District of Texas; Special Agent Perrye Turner, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Texas Governor Greg Abbott; DPS/Texas Rangers – Public Integrity Unit;  and Texas Commission on Law Enforcement.

HCCLA is the largest local criminal defense bar association in the country made up of over 700 criminal defense lawyers.  We are extremely concerned about the lack of any serious, outside investigation of Harris County Precinct 4 Constable’s destruction of evidence.  Additionally, there is no outside agency investigating the Harris County District Attorney’s Office to determine what ethical violations were committed and what laws were broken for withholding this information that the District Attorney claims to have had knowledge of since January of 2016.  HCCLA has no confidence in the ability of the Harris County DA’s Office to investigate themselves, if they are even doing so.

HCCLA makes a request that:

  1. Harris County Precinct 4 Constable’s Office be IMMEDIATELY de-certified of its law enforcement abilities in order to investigate potential criminal acts Precinct 4 has committed.
  2. The Harris County District Attorney’s Office IMMEDIATELY be investigated for its misconduct in failing to disclose information relating to criminal cases stemming from Harris County Precinct 4.
  3. All Harris County Precinct 4 Constable’s Office cases be IMMEDIATELY placed on hold, if they are not dismissed, so that no action may be taken on them until further notice about this investigation.
  4. The Harris County District Attorney’s Office IMMEDAITELY release a list with Cause numbers and Defense Attorney’s names of all Precinct 4 cases that have been disposed of since January 1st, 2016, whether by dismissal, plea or trial.

View/download full release here:

Download (PDF, 79KB)

 

Filed Under: press release Tagged With: evidence destruction, Harris County Constable Precinct 4, Harris County District Attorney, Precinct 4

Bat Signal: Superheroes Called to Action

August 2, 2016 Leave a Comment

bat signalWhen villains threaten Gotham, Commission Gordan initializes the Bat Signal and superheroes spring into action. When judges bully defenders, Mark Bennett initiates our Bat Signal and leads his fellow superheroes into battle.

Superheroes represent positive values by being responsible. While this may seem simple enough, responsibility is an ongoing internal struggle for superheroes. Simply put, power corrupts. Responsibility is the essential quality that distinguishes superheroes from regular villains. Being responsible, no matter the personal cost, is the superhero’s only defense against being corrupted by power. Superheroes are thus defined, limited, and restrained by their struggle to be responsible, to exercise their abilities and power with restraint. Supervillains’ lack of restraint and utter irresponsibility are a threat to the superhero, and to the people the superhero protects.
Superheroes Need Superior Villains by Stanford W. Carpenter

Being responsible, no matter the personal cost, Mark Bennett leads a top-quality HCCLA strike force of superheroes to combat the supervillains in our midst who threaten our defenders and thus the people we protect. He truly embodies the superhero who maintains responsibility against those who exercise irresponsibility and lack of restraint. Though his skirmishes are numerous, one in particular warrants review.

Super Defender Cheryl Irvin was threatened in the zealous defense of her client. Her zealousness was met with an improper order of incarceration. This judge wasn’t “patient, dignified and courteous” as required by the Texas Canons of Judicial Conduct. She ordered Cheryl into the holdover to wait. She demanded an apology. Within minutes the bat signal was initiated and Mark and others rushed to aid our super-defender in her contest with the supervillain.

While he assessed the situation, more superheroes assembled to investigate and research the facts and options. Mark proceeded to assemble a resolution. After much to-do about nothing, the resolution consisted of Cheryl going about her own business, leaving the holdover, and ultimately filing a grievance.

Super-defenders provided affidavits discussing the facts and circumstances. Slowly, yet surely, the State Commission on Judicial Conduct issued its decision: a private sanction.

The villain retreated. But, like all villains, returns at a whim.

After the death of colleague, Mark took over a case in the judge’s court. Mark requested a short two-day reset to consult an immigration attorney before his new client could take a sweet deal. “No good deed goes unpunished,” she warned. After all, the supervillains’ lack of restraint and utter irresponsibility are a threat to the superhero, and to the people the superhero protects. The ongoing struggle continues.

As for Mark, he will “look for more opportunities to do the right thing the same way.” And the CJC is a safer place for all his efforts.

Filed Under: Defender, Members Tagged With: mark bennett, strike force, superhero

President’s Message – Spring 2016

August 2, 2016 Leave a Comment

What a Year!

These last few months have been exciting to say the least. It seems we have had our hands in just about everything going on in and around the Criminal Justice Center. We’ve participated behind the scenes and in group studies to give the defense a voice. We’ve met with prosecutors and judges to make sure they hear our concerns. In short, we have made a difference! Thank you all for the help and support you have given to our board which made this possible.

We received word that our complaint against Judge Bill Harmon was sustained with a private reprimand. The Judicial Commission agreed that his display of the M.A.D.D. plaque in a public courtroom was inappropriate. Thank you to Tyler Flood and all others who brought this issue to light and helped set the stage for our successful complaint.

If you missed it, we also had some spectacular CLE events: Maneuvering Search and Seizure and our Judge Wendell Odom Appellate Seminar were highly attended and received rave reviews. If you missed Appellate, you missed live oral arguments in the Court of Appeals and a frank roundtable discussion of the arguments immediately following. We’ve also had some amazing happy hour CLE events on DWI, electronic devices, and interrogation among others. Under the direction of David Ryan, our CLE chair, we have offered more variety and lower cost CLE to benefit our members and surrounding local bars. When you see him, give him your thanks!

Our strike force, fearlessly led by Mark Bennett, continues to aid our members faced with bullying, indifference, and injustices. For a quick read and example of his work, see Bat Signal: Superheroes Called to Action in this issue.

We have a tremendous resource in our web and social media presence that spun off from our Reasonable Doubt television show. We have a host of writers commenting on current issues, providing legal experience and insight, and educating our public. With your help, we can continue to grow our audience. Don’t forget to tweet and Facebook us! Our websites alone are garnering approximately 15,000 hits a month!

Great things are in store for our future, and I can’t wait to see where this next year takes us with Tyler at the helm. I am humbled and honored to have once again worked with you all to better our bar and elevate the defense voice in Harris County. Together we have made a difference.

Together we will continue to stand against the injustices. Together we will stand and fight. Together we will stand for what is right.

A man dies when he refuses to stand up for that which is right.
A man dies when he refuses to stand up for justice.
A man dies when he refuses to take a stand for that which is true.
– Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. on courage, March 8, 1965

It has been my pleasure to serve the criminal defense bar.
JoAnne

Filed Under: Defender Tagged With: Defender, joanne musick, president's message

We are UNLESS

July 31, 2016 Leave a Comment

we are unless

By: Rick Oliver
HCCLA Member and Defender Contributor

The presumption of innocence is commonly understood to be a legal term of art. If that be the case, then, the question becomes whether art really does imitate life in this business.

In theory, the presumption of innocence is indeed a term of art in the sense that it has a specific meaning within the legal field and amongst its practitioners. The presumption is more than just a phrase connoting a specified meaning, though. It is the foundation upon which our niche in this profession has been built. It is the keystone principle that maintains the integrity of our system of justice. It is the fiber in the connective tissue that binds us all to whatever construct we perceive of as our social contract.

In reality, the presumption of innocence is the Alpha and the Omega. Without it there is no justice. Without it, no trust. Without it there is no reason to honor the terms of any social contract; real or imagined.

But, the juxtaposition of the presumption of innocence with other legal terms of art brings a sad reality into focus. The “State” is a good and telling example. The truth is there is no “State.” It has no address. No postal zip code. There are no pearly gates that separate the “State’s” lushly manicured grounds and towering white spires from the citizen and his shanty town. There is no lone figurehead reminiscent of Reagan or Stalin or Margaret Thatcher or Thor. It only exists insofar as society allows it to exist. The “State” is a legal term of art, just like the presumption of innocence.

Except, it is nothing like the presumption of innocence. The “State” is an illusory fable penned by our Founding Fathers and passed from one generation of white-hatted do-gooders to the next. It is drafter and signatory to the social contract to which each of us is bound. It is the aggrieved party and the enforcer whose job it is to redress perceived contractual transgressions. The “State” implies more than it says. The “State” has a long and ranging arm. The “State” wields a big and often wretched stick. The “State,” by and through its agents, has within it the power to chuckle at Oppenheimer’s quip: “Now I am become Death, the Destroyer of Worlds.” In short, the “State” has within its dominion the propensity for a self-righteous and trembling gravitas.

By way of contrast, there is the presumption of innocence. There can be little doubt the presumption of innocence has been turned on its head. It has been eulogized as a dead letter; its demise feted in the halls of the “State.” It has been heckled and jeered and burned in effigy. In truth, the presumption of innocence is at odds with its maker, and because of that, no longer exists.

Our citizens accused are more likely to enjoy unicorns and leprechauns and purple rhinos than they are the presumption of innocence. It has been reduced to a sad and consensual hallucination; the artifice of sophistries. But, what is profoundly more disheartening than its demise is the reality that we—the defense bar—have helped to kill it.

Not affirmatively, of course. We haven’t exercised the audacity the “State” so often has when it, for example, hides exculpatory evidence. We haven’t plotted—with maniacal attention to detail—the murder of the presumption of innocence, intentionally or knowingly, or with malice aforethought. Not even death by a thousand pricks is to blame for its demise, at least insofar as those pricks are we.

Instead, we have sharpened the guillotine of the “State” with our neglect. Ironically, all we have neglected is but a single word. But, as Mark Twain once remarked, “The difference between a word and the right word is like the difference between lighting and a lighting bug.”

As codified, the presumption of innocence, that useless ramble, suggests that: “All persons are presumed to be innocent and no person may be convicted of an offense unless each element of the offense is proved beyond a reasonable doubt.”[i]

Close your eyes and say it aloud. Now, imagine yourself standing tall before the venire, sweating and preaching and rambling for the fifteen minutes the court has conferred upon you like a soiled gift. Look down at your imaginary outline to where the presumption of innocence necessarily precedes the burden of proof. Ask a pretend person to re-state the presumption of innocence in the shorthand we all so often hear.

“Innocent [fill in the blank] proven guilty.”

If your febrile imagination inserted the word “until” between the brackets, then you, like so many of us, have the blood of the presumption of innocence on your hands, too.

Resist the temptation to roll your eyes and consider the following: the word “until” is a conjunction that is used to refer to the time that took place or passed before an event or incident. It means “up to the time” or “till the time.” It is also used to show one’s aim of finishing a job or task even if there are things that make accomplishing it difficult.

The word “unless,” on the other hand, is a conjunction that is used to refer to a condition which makes the event or incident that precedes it impossible. It has the same connotation as the words “if” and “except.[ii]”

If your instinctual response can be summarized by resort to the familiar refrain that a comparison of unless and until yields a difference without a distinction, you are, in my humble opinion, out of your goddamned mind. The words unless and until are not tautological. They do not mean the same thing. They should only be used together when the situation calls for both a context of time and a precondition[iii]. Using the word “until” suggests the result is an eventuality. Using the word “unless” suggests there is some condition precedent that must be satisfied before that result may occur.

Imagine you’re watching an old black and white docuseries memorializing the great Clarence Darrow and one of his magnificent rites of defense. Imagine further he is engaged in a heated exchange with a corrupt prosecutor regarding the rights of the accused. Imagine Darrow’s impassioned plea in support of a vigorous and competent defense:

“He is presumed to be innocent UNLESS proven guilty,” Darrow might shout.

“Until, Mr. Darrow. Until he’s proven guilty.”

Now tell me you don’t feel the difference. In the example, the prosecutor says a lot without saying much. An economy of words does not necessarily imply an economy of meaning. And, it should not be difficult to divine which of these incarnations ought to be championed by those whose job it is to ensure that justice is done according to the law of the land, as it is written, and as it was intended.

It is also important to highlight the obvious. This business we have chosen is an adversarial one. We are competitors, in fact and in theory. We work with the same facts in an attempt to deliver different products. Woe befall the lawyer who fails to appreciate the reality that an aspect of what we do includes the idea of a sales pitch. Even worse is the thought that some lawyer mistakenly assume his or her pitch is limited by what they believe the facts have or have not proven. We incorporate the pitch in the way we dress and the way we dress our clients. We incorporate the pitch in the way we address the courts and the way we address its juries. We organize and pander to the rightful pageantry of the presumption of innocence, forgetting somehow that the devil is almost always in the details. The end result is that we are allowing the “State” to capitalize on our neglect. We are conceding the sale before either side utters so much as a single word.

WE are UNLESS and THEY are UNTIL.

The challenge of the defense is to convince the venire that the determination of guilt has yet to be made. In other words, we want them to understand and believe that the accused is presumed to be innocent unless the facts prove otherwise. The challenge of the “State” is to convince those same people that they wouldn’t be wasting their time if the guilt of the accused were not already assured. In other words, they want them to believe that all that is required of them is that they wait until the end of the “State’s” presentation before properly returning a verdict of guilt.

Our challenge is consonant with the spirit of the law. Theirs reflects the aim of those engaged in adversarial competition where the results are almost always zero sum. Whether the conflation is the result of intentional complicity or mutual negligence is irrelevant. The point is it is happening. It is diminishing the “State’s” burden of proof (another term of art). It is poisoning our juries. It is dooming the prospects of our citizens accused. Make no mistake, with a single word we have allowed the “State” to stack the deck against us.

In marketing circles the terms is referred to as “presupposition.” Presupposition is often utilized by using words and language that indicate your assumption that your offer has already been accepted. It is a technique that is used both consciously and subconsciously[iv]. In the context of the legal field, it is, quite simply, tradecraft. And, what is truly disturbing is that we’re not just allowing this to happen. We are perpetuating its dissemination and wide-spread acceptance. We act like it’s no big deal.

The impact of word choice is not limited by the ability of the audience to consciously discern subtle differences, either. Researchers have long known that expectations influence cognitions and behaviors[v]. When we expect a particular outcome, we automatically set in motion a chain of cognitions and behaviors to produce that outcome—and misattribute its cause[vi]. Although expectancies can develop in many ways, they are often the product of suggestion. Suggestions can come from other people or from the environment; they can be cultivated in the present or drawn from the past; and they can be deliberate or not deliberate[vii]. Suggestion can influence implicit learning and lead to the enhancement or impairment of memory[viii]. Further, suggestion can also influence evaluations of a product above and beyond its intrinsic features[ix]. Suggestions, particularly those that people do not realize they are communicating, can transmit expectations to others and thereby influence their thoughts and behaviors[x].

Clearly, the “State” has not taken a chainsaw to our beloved presumption of innocence. Rather, it appears the instrument used were more likely a scalpel. Its aim was specific and its incision precise. The product is a facelift that has altered the fundamental character of the presumption of innocence. A single word has undermined its promise. Now, there is a presumption of guilt and that presumption is a self-fulfilling prophecy.

What the literature suggests is that when the inaccurate beliefs of different perceivers about a given idea are similar, their individual self-fulfilling effects can accumulate such that their combined self-fulfilling influences may be more powerful than any of their individual self-fulfilling influences. That is, the similar and inaccurate beliefs held by multiple perceivers may potentiate one another’s self-fulfilling effects, a process referred to as synergistic accumulation[xi]. So, if even one of your potential jurors internalizes the conflation to encourage a presumption of guilt, the die may have already been cast.

Fortunately, the literature also suggests that members of stereotyped groups may be shielded from confirming negative stereotypes if they are also exposed to positive beliefs. In this example the “stereotyped group” is the citizen accused. The negative stereotype is that a citizen wouldn’t be accused unless he was guilty. The positive belief is the assertion that there is a more redeeming and legally correct definition of the presumption of innocence. To paraphrase Miracle Max, what this ultimately means is that the presumption of innocence is only mostly dead. There’s a difference between mostly dead and all dead. Mostly dead is slightly alive. With all dead, well, with all dead there’s usually only one thing you can do[xii].

What we can do—what we must do—is right the ship. The presumption of innocence is the ballast that brings balance to the system. For some time now, the ship has been taking on water. As its designated stewards, it is time we all started bailing that water.

The remedy is simple: object. Object on the basis that the conflation of unless with until with respect to the presumption of innocence is a misstatement of the law. It is. Object on the basis that use of the word until is a comment on the weight of the evidence. It is. Object on the basis that use of the word until effectively reduces (if not eliminates) the “State’s” burden of proof. It does.

Currently, it appears we are unwittingly content to go down the ship. A simple natural language search for the phrase “innocent until proven guilty” returned only 99 Texas cases. A non-exhaustive review of those cases revealed almost nothing directly on-point. One of them was, and its analysis was telling. In Randolph v. State, the appellant complained that the trial judge violated his due process rights when it suggested to the venire that he was “innocent until proven guilty[xiii].” The COA noted that “[t]he Texas Court of Criminal Appeals…has not drawn a distinction between “unless” and “until” when those terms are used in connection with the presumption of innocence[xiv]. Then, the COA basically shrugged its collective shoulders and, in effect, said, “Look, we all do it all the time; what’s the big deal!?!”[xv] After all, trial counsel did not object to it when he had the chance[xvi]. And, the COA observed that “nothing in the record indicates that the venire meaningfully distinguished “unless” from “until” in the context in which the trial court used it during voir dire such that the use of “until” negatively affected [appellant’s] presumption of innocence.”[xvii] Nothing in the record, huh? With all due respect to the First Court of Appeals: no shit it’s not in the record.

The issue is not what is being put on the record while the venire is attentively seated. The issue is what the venire is bringing with them—subconsciously or otherwise—as they file in to the room. When we allow the law to be misquoted in the manner it currently is we effectively endorse a subliminal message that is broadcast to the entire world. The message we send is that trials are but a mere formality. The message we send is that trials are not a search for the truth. The message we send is that trial is simply the final wait to be endured before the accused can be rent asunder. The message we send is that convictions are an ultimate imperative. In an adversarial system such as ours, it is hard to fathom how we can expect to prevail over the “State” when we allow them to start the race at the finish line. That is the difference between unless and until.

We are the purveyors of the presumption of innocence. We are its stewards. We have to do better.

We are unless…until we’re not.

[i] Tex. Code Crim. Proc. art. 38.03; Tex. Pen. Code §2.01

[ii] M., Emelda (2011). Difference Between Until and Unless. Retrieved from http://www.differencebetween.net/language/grammar-language/difference-between-until-and-unless/

[iii] Unless vs. Until. Retrieved from http://www.diffen.com/difference/Unless_vs_Until

[iv] The Rule of Expectations—The Impact of Suggestion. Retrieved from http://westsidetoastmasters.com/resources/laws_persuasion/chap10.html.

[v] Michael, R.B., Garry, M., Kirsch, I. (2012). Suggestion, Cognition, and Behavior. Current Directions in Psychological Science, 21(3) 151-156.

[vi] Id. (citing Kirsch, I. (1997). Response expectancy theory and application: A decennial review. Applied & Preventive Psychology, 6, 69-79. Doi: 10.1016/S0962-1849(05)80012-5; Kirsch, I. (2004). Conditioning, expectancy, and the placebo effect: Comment on Stewart-Williams and Podd (2004). Psychological Bulletin, 130, 341-343. Doi: 10.1037/0033-2909.130.2.341)

[vii] Id. (citing Stewart-Williams, S., & Podd, J. (2004). The placebo effect: Dissolving the expectancy versus conditioning debate. Psychological Bulletin, 130, 324-340. Doi: 10.1037/0033-2909.130.2.341)

[viii] Id.

[ix] Id.

[x] Id.

[xi] Madon, S., Guyll, M., Spoth, R., Willard, J. (2004). Self-Fulfilling Prophecies: the Synergistic Accumulative Effect of Parents’ Beliefs on Children’s Drinking Behavior. Psychological Science, Vol. 15—No. 12, 837-845

[xii] The Princess Bride. Dir. Rob Reiner. Twentieth Century Fox Film Corporation, et al, 1987. Film.

[xiii] Randolph v. State, 2008 Tex. App. LEXIS 9192, No. 01-08-00266-CR, *1 (Tex. App.—Houston [1st Dist.] 2008, unpub.)

[xiv] Id. at *8

[xv] Walters v. State, 247 S.W.3d 204, 210 (Tex. Crim. App. 2007); Giesberg v. State, 984 S.W.2d 245, 250 (Tex. Crim. App. 1998); Hill v. State, 955 S.W.2d 96, 100 (Tex. Crim. App. 1997); Mays v. State, 726 S.W.2d 937, 951 (Tex. Crim. App. 1986); Wiseman v. State, 223 S.W.3d 45, 50 (Tex .App.—Houston [1st Dist.] 2006, pet ref’d); Deck v. Missouri, 544 U.S. 622, 630, 125 S. Ct. 2007, 2013, 161 L. Ed. 2d 953 (2005); Wynn v. State, 219 S.W.3d 54, 59 (Tex. App.—Houston [1st Dist.] 2006, no pet.)

[xvi] See Randolph, 2008 Tex. App. at *6.

[xvii] Id. at *8

Filed Under: clients, Defender, Trial Tips Tagged With: innocent unless proven guilty, presumption of innocence, rick oliver

Right to Resist an Illegal Arrest? Nope!

July 29, 2016 3 Comments

Guest Blog by Millie Thompson, HCCLA member and Defender of the Constitution

The Constitution does not guarantee that only the guilty will be arrested. If it did, § 1983 would provide a cause of action for every defendant acquitted—indeed, for every suspect released.

Libertarian-bent people repeatedly ask me the following leading question, expecting me to confirm their conclusion: We have a Constitutional right to resist an illegal arrest, right?

Bloody_Sunday-Alabama_police_attackNo, you don’t. There was a common law right to resist, set forth in the Supreme Court case Bad Elk v. United States, 177 U.S. 529 (1900). That right was destroyed by the courts during the backlash against the Civil Rights Movement.

The courts stripped citizens of the right to resist an unlawful arrest, explaining that people should seek redress in court and sue civilly for an unlawful seizure. Qualified Immunity, however, destroys your ability to sue for an unlawful arrest based on mistaken identity.

On the one hand, you can’t resist them. On the other, you have no right to complain later if they were merely mistaken about arresting you.

Compare 1 with 2:

1 – United States v. Danehy, 680 F.2d 1311 (11th Cir. 1982):

Speaking for the court in United States v. Johnson, 542 F.2d 230, 233 (5th Cir. 1976), Judge Morgan evaluated the current vitality 1316*1316 of the common law right to forcibly resist unlawful arrest. He concluded that old Fifth Circuit case law on the subject had been “sapped of its precedential value” by the persuasive authority of decisions from the other courts of appeals. Those decisions recognize that the common law right to resist an arrest that is not based upon probable cause, suited though it may have been to a past era, has no significant role to play in our own society where ready access to the courts is available to redress such police misconduct. See, e.g., United States v. Cunningham, 509 F.2d 961, 963 (D.C. Cir. 1975); United States v. Martinez, 465 F.2d 79, 82 (2d Cir. 1972); United States v. Simon, 409 F.2d 474, 477 (7th Cir.), cert. denied, 396 U.S. 829, 90 S.Ct. 79, 24 L.Ed.2d 79 (1969). Cf. United States v. Ferrone, 438 F.2d 381, 389-90 (3d Cir.), cert. denied, 402 U.S. 1008, 91 S.Ct. 2188, 29 L.Ed.2d 430 (1971) (no right to resist search pursuant to invalid search warrant). But see United States v. Moore, 483 F.2d 1361, 1364 (9th Cir. 1973) (dictum). Although there may be some residual role for the common law right where it appears that the arresting officer is engaged in a “frolic of his own,” see United States v. Martinez, 465 F.2d at 82, there was no such situation here.

2 – Baker v. McCollan, 443 U.S. 137 (1979):

Respondent’s innocence of the charge contained in the warrant, while relevant to a tort claim of false imprisonment in most if not all jurisdictions, is largely irrelevant to his claim of deprivation of liberty without due process of law.[4] The Constitution does not guarantee that only the guilty will be arrested. If it did, § 1983 would provide a cause of action for every defendant acquitted—indeed, for every suspect released. Nor are the manifold procedural protections afforded criminal defendants under the Bill of Rights “without limits.” Patterson v. New York, 432 U. S. 197, 208 (1977). “Due process does not require that every conceivable step be taken, at whatever cost, to eliminate the possibility of convicting an innocent person.” Ibid.

The Fourteenth Amendment does not protect against all deprivations of liberty. It protects only against deprivations of liberty accomplished “without due process of law.”

Experts will tell you that the fight-or-flight instinct kicks in whenever someone is in a high stress situation, like, for example, when a police officer puts you in a choke hold. You get tunnel vision. Your body shuts down the processes associated with digestion and rational thought, and your body ramps up the systems that will help you outrun the lion or fight the home invader.

At rest, you can process messages like “put your hands behind your back.” When you’re experiencing the fight-or-flight response, your brain isn’t working in a way that allows proper computation of that message.

The law on resisting arrest is illogical on two fronts: First, the whole reason courts have gotten rid of it – you can sue – is false. No, you can’t sue. Those officers have immunity from suit. Courts also point to the right to a speedy trial. That right is meaningless. There are people sitting in county jails everywhere who can’t make bail, were arrested a year, or even two years, or even three years ago, and still haven’t gone to trial. Second, it is not a cognitive rational decision to resist. It isn’t a choice. It is instinct.

We have a Constitutional right to resist arrest, right? Nope.

Filed Under: constitution, justice, police Tagged With: constitutional rights, illegal arrest, police, resisting arrest

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